Lech Kaczyński - President of the Republic of Poland help to Georgia. Tribute to Georgians : " For your freedom and ours "
Tribute to Georgians in Polish Service
Lech Kaczyński - President of the Republic of Poland
Born in Warsaw in 1949. Studied law at Warsaw University. In 1971, he moved to Sopot to work as a scholar at the University of Gdańsk. In 1980 he took a doctor’s degree in labor law, and in 1990 he was awarded a post-doctoral degree.
In 1977, he began to work for the Interventions Office of the Worker Defense Committee. A year later be became involved in the activity of Independent Trade Unions. In August 1980 he was nominated as an adviser of the Gdańsk Inter-plant Strike Committee. He was also a delegate to the First National Congress of the „Solidarność” Trade Union. Interned during the martial law. When released from internment, he returned to trade union activities. He was a member of the underground Solidarity authorities.
In December 1988, became a member of the Civic Committee with Lech Wałęsa. He took part in the Round Table Talks in the team focused on trade union pluralism. In 1990, he was nominated as the Union’s first deputy chairman involved in the running of the Solidarity Trade Union. He was elected senator in the June 1989 election, and two years later a parliamentary deputy representing the Center Civic Alliance Party. In 1991, he was appointed as the head of the National Security Office at the President’s Chancellery. A year later, in1992, he was nominated as the president of the Supreme Chamber of Control (NIK) and he continued to hold that office until 1995.
In June 2000, Lech Kaczyński was nominated as the Minister of Justice by Prime Minister Jerzy Buzek. He soon became the most popular member of the cabinet.
In April 2001, he was elected as the head the National Committee of the Law and Justice Party (PiS) to be elected the party’s president in spring 2001. After the September 2001 parliamentary election he returned to the parliament as the party’s deputy. In autumn 2002 he was elected Warsaw’s mayor with a big advantage over his opponents. He started his term in office by declaring a war against corruption – the so-called „Warsaw connections” - and by restoring law and order. In March 2005 he officially declared his intention to run as a presidential candidate.
Elected President of the Republic of Poland on October 23, he assumed the office on December 23, 2005 by taking an oath before the National Assembly.
Lech Kaczyński’s wife, Maria, is an economist. His daughter Marta graduated from the Department of Law at Gdańsk University. She is married to Piotr, and in 2003 she gave birth to her daughter, Ewa. Mr. and Mrs. Kaczyński are fond of animals. They have two dogs and two cats. Vilayat Guliyev: “Cooperation with Poland opens up opportunities for Azerbaijan to establish closer partnership with such international organizations as UN, EU and NATO”
Maria Kaczyńska, wife of the President of the Republic of Poland, comes from a patriotic Polish family from the Vilnius region in Lithuania. Her mother, Lidia Mackiewicz, was a teacher; her father, Czesław Mackiewicz, was a specialist in forestry. The family settled within the present Polish borders after the Second World War. During the war her father was taking part in guerrilla warfare against the German forces occupying the Vilnius region; one of his brothers fought at Monte Cassino in Italy as a soldier of the Polish Corps of General Władysław Anders. The second brother, an officer of the Polish Army, was killed at Katyń Forest.
Maria Kaczyńska attended primary and secondary schools in Rabka Zdrój in southern Poland. She graduated from the Department of Maritime Transport of the Higher School of Economics (now the University of Gdańsk) in Sopot on the Baltic coast. After receiving her diploma she worked at the Maritime Institute in Gdańsk, where she conducted research into the developmental perspectives of maritime freight markets in the Far East.
In 1978 she married Lech Kaczyński, at that time an assistant research fellow at the Faculty of Law of Gdańsk University, an activist of the democratic anti-Communist opposition in Poland. In June 1980 she gave birth to her daughter, Marta, and shortly afterwards, in August 1980, widespread labour strikes broke out in Gdańsk and other Polish cities; the "Solidarity" trade union movement was established. When the Communist authorities cracked down on "Solidarity" and introduced martial law in Poland in 1981, her husband was interned for almost a year; after his release he was active in the underground "Solidarity" movement. At that time Maria Kaczyńska was on maternity leave; finally she decided not to return to work at the Maritime Institute. She engaged in tutoring and worked as a freelance translator from English and French; at the same time she was bringing up her daughter and helping her husband in his fight against the Communist regime in Poland.
After the fall of the Communist regime, during the period of political transformation of the country, when her husband held several important public offices, Maria Kaczyńska always supported charitable and cultural initiatives, especially when Lech Kaczyński was Mayor of Warsaw in 2002-2005. When she became the First Lady of Poland in 2005, her public activities took on a new dimension. As First Lady she co-operates with Polish and foreign non-governmental organizations focusing on social, medical and humanitarian issues. She participates in charity projects, using her position to help impoverished and handicapped persons, notably children with health problems and disabilities. She supports initiatives enriching Polish cultural life, acting in concert with artistic and intellectual circles. She is committed to promote her country abroad and to strengthen the positive image of democratic Poland in the world. She sometimes acts as Special Envoy of the President, representing her husband at official functions in various countries. She is involved in the international promotion of Polish cultural heritage.
Maria Kaczyńska takes an interest in literature and art; she loves music, ballet and the theatre. She likes travelling, which gives her an opportunity to gain an insight into the lives and traditions of other countries. She values both family life and social life. She enjoys spending her time with her three-year-old granddaughter Ewa. She speaks English and French and possesses some knowledge of Spanish and Russian.
The First Lady admits to having a strong personality. Her pleasant manner, cheerfulness and a fine sense of humour have won her a lot of friends; she is always open to new ideas. In matters of dress and personal adornments she prefers restrained, classical style.
Both the President and the First Lady love animals; they own two dogs and two cats.
Citizens´ Letters and Opinions Bureau (+4822) 695-20-29, Fax (+4822) 695-22-38 mailto:listy@prezydent.pl
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[ 01 Aug 2008 16:12 ] President of Poland will also participate in the 4th Energy Summit in Baku in November this year
Baku. Lachin Sultanova – APA. Azerbaijan’s ambassador extraordinary and plenipotentiary to Poland Vilayat Guliyev interviewed by APA
-Foreign Minister of Poland called Azerbaijan one of the ten priority countries. This is perhaps in terms of energy security of Poland. And what does cooperation with Poland promises Azerbaijan?
-Azerbaijan is in the focus of attention of the European Union with its important geostrategic position, rich natural resources, leading position in the region and dynamic development. It is undeniable that Poland is one of EU members, which take especially great interest in our country. It was underlined several times that Azerbaijan-Poland relations rose to the stage of strategic partnership both on the level of president and foreign minister and political-economic relations with Azerbaijan were priority for Poland. Of course, both energy security of Europe and Azerbaijan’s becoming an important transit country play important role here. It should also be mentioned that Azerbaijan, which already has broad financial opportunities, can implement important economic projects along with Poland and make investments in the country’s economy in the near future. In this respect it is possible to predict that interest of Poland and other countries of Eastern European bloc in Azerbaijan will increase gradually. Cooperation with Poland opens up opportunities for Azerbaijan to establish closer partnership with such international organizations as UN, EU and NATO. The support for the right position of our country and adoption of the statement condemning Armenia’s aggressive policy in the UN discussions on Nagorno Karabakh in March this year was possible thanks to the active position of such EU members as Poland, Romania and Baltic states. In May this year Poland and Sweden offered to simplify visa regime and strengthen the relations with such post-Soviet countries as Azerbaijan, Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia. Another important indicator is the expansion of Poland’s relations with GUAM. Polish President Lech Kaczyński’s statement during the bilateral meetings in Paris, within the framework of EU-Mediterranean countries summit supporting Azerbaijan’s position may be assessed as another answer to the question what Poland can do for our country. I think that there is enough unused potential both in political and economic spheres and the atmosphere of mutual confidence, sincere and business relations between the presidents of the two countries will raise Azerbaijan-Poland relations to a higher level.
-In the first half of 2008 Azerbaijan-Poland relations were very dynamic in terms of high-level mutual visits. Will this rate continue till the end of the year?
In February this year President Ilham Aliyev paid the second official visit to Poland within the past three years. The heads of states had productive talks, important documents were signed during the visit. In April-June Azerbaijan’s Ministers of Foreign Affairs, National Security and Interior Affairs visited Poland. Chairman of Polish Senate participated in the 90th jubilee of Azerbaijani Parliament, First Lady of Poland came to Baku to attend the international conference “The role of women in cross-cultural dialogue” in June. The third meeting of Azerbaijan-Poland intergovernmental economic commission is planned to take place in September-October in Warsaw. Polish president will also attend the 4th Energy Summit in Baku in November. You see both sides are interested in preserving tempo and dynamics of the relations.
-On what stage is the establishment of Sarmatiya-2 Company? Is it possible to say that the energy summit planned to be held in Baku in November will make contributions to this issue?
-As these issues are still on the stage of preparation, I would not like to make predictions that can surpass the developments and opinions of experts. Suffice it to say that after the 1st Energy Summit chaired by Azerbaijani President in Krakow in May 2007 the interest in the idea of delivering Caspian’s energy resources to Europe by alternative ways aroused and the European Union has taken interest in this project more seriously. The increase of the number of participants in the following summits is the display of this interest. During Ukrainian President’s visit to Baku Azerbaijan once more demonstrated that its position on the idea of new oil pipeline is unchangeable. Taking all this into account we can say that a number of important decisions will be made during Baku summit in November.
-Poland has held two national exhibitions in Baku up to now. How have these exhibitions influenced the bilateral economic relations?
-Undoubtedly, each exhibition is the important indicator of a country’s economic opportunities and potential. On the other hand, such exhibitions offer opportunities to the producers and exporters to establish closer and direct relations. In this respect, Polish exhibitions held in Baku have made influence on the economic cooperation and increase of trade turnover between the two countries. I regret that our consumers have not paid enough attention to Poland’s food industry meeting high ecological requirements or light industry with high-quality and relatively cheap products. Besides, Azerbaijan is more known in Poland as a country of oil and gas and this casts shadow on the opportunities of cooperation in other spheres. Transport-related problems also pose some obstacles in the intensive implementation of economic relations.
-Does Azerbaijan also plan to hold similar exhibitions demonstrating its economic opportunities in Poland?
The next meeting of Azerbaijan-Poland Intergovernmental Commission will be held in Warsaw in October-September of the current year. Within the framework of that event, Azerbaijan’s Ministry of Economic Development plans to demonstrate an exhibition reflecting the development of various spheres of the country’s economy over the last couple of years. Besides, Poland attaches great significance to the activity of this commission. Polish Deputy Prime Minister Pavlak has recently been appointed the chairman of the joint economic commission.
-What projects are implemented in the humanitarian field? Are you satisfied with the research and development works carried out in Polish archives in regard to Azerbaijan at the beginning of the twentieth century?
Considerable progresses have been made in this field since the Embassy was opened in Poland. Close relations have been established between Baku Slavic University and Warsaw and Poznan universities. Rector of Baku Slavic University, Professor Kamal Abdulla has twice been to Poland in this respect. The Polish delegation led by Rector of Warsaw University visited Baku in May, conducted meetings at Baku Slavic University and other higher institutions and discussed the ways of mutual cooperation. Azerbaijani language is taught at Warsaw University at present. Research and development works in Polish archives in regard to Azerbaijan at the beginning of the twentieth century are possible to be carried out individually. We also do our best to help our historians and philologists in this work within the bounds of possibility. For instance, our Embassy had considerable services in finding out Nasiman Yagublu’s monography devoted to Azerbaijan-Poland relations in twenties-thirties of the last century. We are also going to publish M. A. Rasulzadeh’s book “Azerbaijan in struggle for independence” translated into Polish in Warsaw in 1938. We will make every possible endeavor to continue this work henceforth.
-What historical points have been reflected in the book dedicated to Azerbaijan People’s Republic published by you?
My book entitled “Azerbaijan in Paris Peace Conference” have been published in Baku this year. In April, 1919, the Azerbaijani delegation led by the Parliament’s Chairman A. Topchubashov paid a visit to Paris and published a number of booklets and brochures in English and French for the purpose of closely introducing their state to the European community and representatives of political circles. I’ve translated one of those books from English and published. I’ve always interested in the history of our first republic and I continue my research and development works in Polish archives in my spare times.
Alex Lech Bajan Polish American RAQport Inc. 2004 North Monroe Street Arlington Virginia 22207 Washington DC Area USA TEL: 703-528-0114 TEL2: 703-652-0993 FAX: 703-940-8300 sms: 703-485-6619 EMAIL: Polonia@raqport.com
Irena Sendlerowa at age 97 save about 2,500 Jewish children see the new restitution Questions from the Jews,
View guano's mapTaken in a place with no name (See more photos or videos here)She saved 2,500 children from the Warsaw Ghetto in WWII. (Large photo shows Irena in 2005 at age 95)
Irena Sendlerowa, a Polish social worker, was born on February 15, 1910, in Warsaw. During World War II, she was an activist of the Polish Underground and Polish anti-Holocaust resistance in Warsaw, where she helped save about 2,500 Jewish children from the Warsaw Ghetto by providing them with false documents and finding hiding places in individual and group children houses out of the Ghetto.
During the World War II German occupation of Poland, she lived in Warsaw while working for the city's Social Welfare Department. She started helping Jews a long time before the Warsaw Ghetto was established. Helping Jews was very risky. In German-occupied Poland, all household members were punished by death if a hidden Jew was found in their house. This was the most severe legislation in occupied Europe. In December of 1942, the newly created Zegota, a council to aid Jews, nominated her to head its children's department. As an employee of the Social Welfare Department, she had a special permit to enter the Warsaw Ghetto, where she wore a Star of David as a sign of solidarity with the Jewish people and so as not to call attention to herself. Very small children she could smuggle out in a bag. Others were taught to cling tightly to her leg, and she walked out with them hidden under her skirts.
She cooperated with the Children's Section of the Municipal Administration, linked with the RGO (Central Welfare Council), a Polish Relief Organization remaining under German supervision. She organized the smuggling of Jewish children from the Ghetto, carrying them out, and placing them with either Polish families, the Warsaw orphanage of the Sisters of the Family of Mary, or Catholic convents such as the Sisters Little Servants of the Immaculate Conception of the Blessed Mary at Turkowice and Chotomowo. She kept lists of the names, hidden in jars buried in her garden, in order to keep track of original and new identities.
Arrested in 1943 by the Gestapo, she was severely tortured and sentenced to death. Zegota saved her by bribing the German guards on the way to her execution. Officially, she was listed on public bulletin boards as among those executed. Even in hiding, she continued her work for the Jewish children.
In 1965, she was recognized by Yad Vashem as a Righteous Among the Nations, confirmed in 1983 by the Israeli Supreme Court.
In 1999 Norm Conard, a high school teacher from Pittsburg, Kansas, encouraged four students to investigate the life of Irena Sendler. As a result of their findings, the students created a play, entitled "Life in a jar", which presented the heroic acts Mrs. Sendler. As of November 2006, there were over 200 performances: at first in Kansas, then all around the United States and ultimately in Europe.
On October 10, 2003, Sendlerowa received the Order of the White Eagle, Poland's highest civilian decoration. She also was awarded the Commanders Cross by the Israeli Institute.
On March 14, 2007, Sendlerowa was honoured by Poland's government. At a special session, the upper house of parliament unanimously approved a resolution honouring Ms Sendlerowa for organising the "rescue of the most defenseless victims of the Nazi ideology: the Jewish children."
Polish President Lech Kacyzinski said she was a "great hero who can be justly named for the Nobel Peace Prize". Comments guano says:
Irena in 1943 after her escape from Pawiak prison.
"No one can ever repay Lola Herz for what she lost." As a Polish American from Arlington VA I have to say Mrs. Herz Please ask the government in Israel to pay you any retribution.
Isrzeli Government did collect on you behalf Billions from German and Switzerland and Austria go after them or go After the Soviet Union Poland did not cause the War and we were VICTIMS as the part the polish population the Jewish people.
Why the Israeli government did not paid you from 100 billions dollars from Germany and 10 billions dollars paid by Swiss and 5 billions paid by Austria
Where is the money the Israel Government got already?
Why Poland have to pay for the Hitler's war? We did help so many Jews during the war! And Please have a mercy for the Polish People and Poland. Ask the Bankers in London and new York which they did not lift the finger to hell during the war and there was only one Polish Organization Zegota to help the Jews during the war As you remember. Do not listen to the rich money hungry lawyers wants you do not for you but for them!
Poland is still poor country which help the Jews for 1000 years. And there is no moral or legal right to ask Poland today do pay anything.
I wish you long life as Irena Sendlerowa, a Polish social worker, was born on February 15, 1910, in Warsaw. During World War II, she was an activist of the Polish Underground and Polish anti-Holocaust resistance in Warsaw, where she helped save about 2,500 Jewish children from the Warsaw Ghetto by providing them with false documents and finding hiding places in individual and group children houses out of the Ghetto
Please all see the video and understand the situation right after the War then the Soviets were the problem and the Polish People. Poles they did help the Jews.
Mossadeq and Oil Nationalization From 1949 on, sentiment for nationalization of Iran's oil industry grew. In 1949 the Majlis approved the First Development Plan (1948-55), which called for comprehensive agricultural and industrial development of the country. The Plan Organization was established to administer the program, which was to be financed in large part from oil revenues. Politically conscious Iranians were aware, however, that the British government derived more revenue from taxing the concessionaire, the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company (AIOC--formerly the Anglo-Persian Oil Company), than the Iranian government derived from royalties. The oil issue figured prominently in elections for the Majlis in 1949, and nationalists in the new Majlis were determined to renegotiate the AIOC agreement. In November 1950, the Majlis committee concerned with oil matters, headed by Mossadeq, rejected a draft agreement in which the AIOC had offered the government slightly improved terms. These terms did not include the fifty-fifty profit-sharing provision that was part of other new Persian Gulf oil concessions.
Subsequent negotiations with the AIOC were unsuccessful, partly because General Ali Razmara, who became prime minister in June 1950, failed to persuade the oil company of the strength of nationalist feeling in the country and in the Majlis. When the AIOC finally offered fifty-fifty profit-sharing in February 1951, sentiment for nationalization of the oil industry had become widespread. Razmara advised against nationalization on technical grounds and was assassinated in March 1951 by Khalil Tahmasebi, a member of the militant Fadayan-e Islam. On March 15, the Majlis voted to nationalize the oil industry. In April the shah yielded to Majlis pressure and demonstrations in the streets by naming Mossadeq prime minister.
Oil production came to a virtual standstill as British technicians left the country, and Britain imposed a worldwide embargo on the purchase of Iranian oil. In September 1951, Britain froze Iran's sterling assets and banned export of goods to Iran. It challenged the legality of the oil nationalization and took its case against Iran to the International Court of Justice at The Hague. The court found in Iran's favor, but the dispute between Iran and the AIOC remained unsettled. Under United States pressure, the AIOC improved its offer to Iran. The excitement generated by the nationalization issue, anti-British feeling, agitation by radical elements, and the conviction among Mossadeq's advisers that Iran's maximum demands would, in the end, be met, however, led the government to reject all offers. The economy began to suffer from the loss of foreign exchange and oil revenues.
Meanwhile, Mossadeq's growing popularity and power led to political chaos and eventual United States intervention. Mossadeq had come to office on the strength of support from the National Front and other parties in the Majlis and as a result of his great popularity. His popularity, growing power, and intransigence on the oil issue were creating friction between the prime minister and the shah. In the summer of 1952, the shah refused the prime minister's demand for the power to appoint the minister of war (and, by implication, to control the armed forces). Mossadeq resigned, three days of pro-Mossadeq rioting followed, and the shah was forced to reappoint Mossadeq to head the government.
As domestic conditions deteriorated, however, Mossadeq's populist style grew more autocratic. In August 1952, the Majlis acceded to his demand for full powers in all affairs of government for a six-month period. These special powers were subsequently extended for a further six-month term. He also obtained approval for a law to reduce, from six years to two years, the term of the Senate (established in 1950 as the upper house of the Majlis), and thus brought about the dissolution of that body. Mossadeq's support in the lower house of the Majlis (also called the Majlis) was dwindling, however, so on August 3, 1953, the prime minister organized a plebiscite for the dissolution of the Majlis, claimed a massive vote in favor of the proposal, and dissolved the legislative body.
The administration of President Harry S Truman initially had been sympathetic to Iran's nationalist aspirations. Under the administration of President Dwight D. Eisenhower, however, the United States came to accept the view of the British government that no reasonable compromise with Mossadeq was possible and that, by working with the Tudeh, Mossadeq was making probable a communist-inspired takeover. Mossadeq's intransigence and inclination to accept Tudeh support, the Cold War atmosphere, and the fear of Soviet influence in Iran also shaped United States thinking. In June 1953, the Eisenhower administration approved a British proposal for a joint Anglo-American operation, code-named Operation Ajax, to overthrow Mossadeq. Kermit Roosevelt of the United States Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) traveled secretly to Iran to coordinate plans with the shah and the Iranian military, which was led by General Fazlollah Zahedi.
In accord with the plan, on August 13 the shah appointed Zahedi prime minister to replace Mossadeq. Mossadeq refused to step down and arrested the shah's emissary. This triggered the second stage of Operation Ajax, which called for a military coup. The plan initially seemed to have failed, the shah fled the country, and Zahedi went into hiding. After four days of rioting, however, the tide turned. On August 19, pro-shah army units and street crowds defeated Mossadeq's forces. The shah returned to the country. Mossadeq was sentenced to three years' imprisonment for trying to overthrow the monarchy, but he was subsequently allowed to remain under house arrest in his village outside Tehran until his death in 1967. His minister of foreign affairs, Hosain Fatemi, was sentenced to death and executed. Hundreds of National Front leaders, Tudeh Party officers, and political activists were arrested; several Tudeh army officers were also sentenced to death.
US wants Poles to visit, spend lots of money By ZUZIA DANIELSKI | Associated Press Writer 12:36 PM EDT, June 30, 2008 WARSAW, Poland - Time to shop until you drop across the Atlantic, the U.S. embassy says. In an unusual appeal, the United States is enticing Poles to visit and spend money this summer in hopes of propping up its faltering economy. The campaign comes as the Polish currency hit a historic high -- reaching 2.1194 zloty to the dollar on Monday.
"When you visit the States, bring an extra suitcase so you can return to Poland with a suitcase full of new items," U.S. Ambassador to Poland, Victor Ashe, is quoted as saying on the embassy's Web site.
The invitation is a sea change in bilateral relations. For most of the 20th century, impoverished Poles traveled to the United States in search of any possible job. Now they are being seen as a source of increased revenue.
The idea was a Warsaw initiative, said embassy spokesman Chris Snipes. He was not sure whether similar promotions had been undertaken by other U.S. embassies around the world.
By VANESSA GERA The Associated Press While inviting Polish tourists, the embassy makes no mention of easing U.S. visa requirements for Poles. Warsaw, a staunch U.S. ally, has been demanding for years that the visa requirement be ended, along with the US$100 fee for the lengthy procedure.
The embassy did note that the average waiting time for a visa was down to two days.
"The zloty is particularly strong and it's a good time to travel to the States," Snipes said.
WARSAW, Poland -- Not so long ago, the U.S. enjoyed something akin to a mythical status in Poland. Ronald Reagan was a hero, the dollar was king and Washington was a trusted guardian against Russia.
But that starry-eyed idealism has eroded, and nowhere is that more apparent than in the tough stance Poland has taken in negotiating a missile defense deal with Washington.
The two allies announced Wednesday that they agreed tentatively to base American missile interceptors in Poland, part of a planned U.S. missile shield against Iran. But contentiousness that surfaced over nearly 18 months of negotiations belied the fact that the U.S. was in talks with one of its closest friends in Europe.
"Many problems in the bilateral relationship became apparent during the missile defense talks," said Maria Wagrowska, a security expert with the Warsaw-based Center for International Relations. "And they are not only political _ they are also psychological."
She and other analysts agree that if the U.S. had tried to get a deal before the Iraq war, it would have been much easier.
Today, Polish politicians feel burned by the Bush administration, largely because Warsaw's staunch military support for the U.S. war in Iraq failed to win substantial contracts for Polish companies in Iraq's reconstruction, as many here had expected.
"Poland took an idealistic approach when it decided to support the U.S. in Iraq," Wagrowska said. "Now there is a much more reasonable, commercial approach because of the disappointment that we didn't earn anything in Iraq."
Harce na tarczy Ani "tak", ani "nie". Premier Donald Tusk nie zdobył się na to.
Nasz Dziennik, 2008-07-05 Ani "tak", ani "nie". Premier Donald Tusk nie zdobył się na to, aby jasno określić polskie stanowisko w sprawie ulokowania w naszym kraju amerykańskiej tarczy antyrakietowej. Szef rządu podkreślał, że Polska oczekuje "realnych gwarancji bezpieczeństwa". A tych nie zapewnia tymczasowa, kilkumiesięczna obecność wyrzutni rakiet typu Patriot. Tymczasem - jak się dowiedzieliśmy - to rozwiązanie planowane było jedynie dla celów szkoleniowych. Amerykańska oferta przewidywała również zamontowanie na stałe wyrzutni, ale dopiero z chwilą umieszczenia w Polsce elementów tarczy. O tym premier już nie powiedział. Tym samym potwierdziły się nasze wczorajsze doniesienia, że rząd Donalda Tuska dążył do zerwania negocjacji ze Stanami Zjednoczonymi.
Wczoraj pisaliśmy, że obecna ekipa rządząca, bez wcześniejszego uzgodnienia z Lechem Kaczyńskim, była gotowa doprowadzić do zerwania rozmów z Amerykanami. Piątkowa konferencja premiera Donalda Tuska potwierdziła, że negocjacje znalazły się w stanie krytycznym. Oświadczenie prezesa Rady Ministrów, że nie osiągnęliśmy satysfakcjonującego polską stronę rezultatu w kluczowej sprawie, jaką jest zwiększenie gwarancji bezpieczeństwa w języku dyplomacji, jak podkreślają specjaliści, oznacza zerwanie negocjacji. Wprawdzie premier próbował się asekurować. - Nie mówiłbym o zawieszeniu, a tym bardziej o zerwaniu rozmów - powiedział Tusk. Przedstawiciele administracji Busha są rozczarowani odrzuceniem przez szefa polskiego rządu propozycji, o którą sam wcześniej miał zabiegać. Rzecznik Departamentu Stanu Sean McCormack potwierdził, że strona amerykańska zapoznała się z oświadczeniem premiera Tuska. - Kontynuujemy negocjacje z Polską i nie planujemy publicznego komentowania ich szczegółów - stwierdził. Donald Tusk, odnosząc się do oczekiwań Polski wobec sojusznika, podkreślił, że nie domagamy się "wielkich pieniędzy" za umieszczenie w naszym kraju tarczy. Zdaniem premiera, amerykańska oferta dotycząca wzmocnienia naszej obrony przeciwlotniczej i antyrakietowej była niewystarczająca, gdyż przewidywała czasowe zainstalowanie na terenie naszego kraju rakiet typu Patriot. Tymczasem, jak się dowiedzieliśmy z dobrze poinformowanego źródła, rakiety tymczasowo miały być obecne w Polsce już w 2009 r. jedynie dla celów szkoleniowych. Pozostawałyby na terytorium naszego kraju przez jeden miesiąc każdego kwartału, aby wojsko było w stanie wykształcić kadrę zdolną do ich obsługi.
Rakiety typu Patriot miały zostać zainstalowane na stałe z chwilą powstania bazy, w której znajdowałaby się tarcza antyrakietowa, czyli w 2012 roku. Miały zostać bezpłatnie przekazane stronie polskiej. Do zakończenia negocjacji z Amerykanami w sprawie tarczy ponownie wezwał wczoraj rząd szef klubu Prawa i Sprawiedliwości Przemysław Gosiewski. - Uważamy, że pan premier Donald Tusk powinien w tym zakresie konkluzywnie zakończyć negocjacje, tak byśmy mogli jeszcze w lipcu podpisać umowę. Do podpisania takiej umowy z Amerykanami gotowi są Czesi. Dobrze by było, aby w podobnym terminie umowę podpisała Polska - stwierdził Gosiewski. Podkreślał, że Prawo i Sprawiedliwość popiera działania prezydenta Lecha Kaczyńskiego, który jest zwolennikiem instalacji tarczy antyrakietowej. - Gdyby nie doszło do sfinalizowania projektu tarczy antyrakietowej, mielibyśmy do czynienia ze swoistym chichotem historii, takim, że 19 lat po upadku komunizmu w Polsce dalej Rosja ma wpływ na to, co tak naprawdę dzieje się w sferze bezpieczeństwa w naszym kraju - powiedział Gosiewski, zauważając, że przeciw tarczy najgłośniej protestowali właśnie Rosjanie. Jak zaznaczył, PiS popiera instalację tarczy w Polsce, gdyż projekt wzmacnia nasze bezpieczeństwo, nasze relacje ze Stanami Zjednoczonymi i przyczyni się do pozyskania przez nasz kraj nowych technologii.
Sondażowa taktyka Jak się nieoficjalnie dowiedzieliśmy, powodem, dla którego premier Donald Tusk gotów był zaryzykować zerwanie rozmów ze Stanami Zjednoczonymi w kwestii uzgadnianych instalacji, była planowana przez prezesa Rady Ministrów kampania medialna wokół projektu amerykańskich instalacji, mająca zapewnić Platformie Obywatelskiej kolejne punkty w sondażach poparcia społecznego. Społeczeństwo miało zobaczyć, że rząd Tuska "twardo" negocjuje warunki. Premier dążył do tego, aby zbić na dyskusji wokół tarczy kapitał polityczny, okazało się jednak, że takie rozegranie polsko-amerykańskich rozmów nie będzie możliwe. Kancelaria premiera nie chciała ustosunkować się do tego zarzutu. Niemalże przez cały dzień trwały gorączkowe narady najważniejszych polityków. Prezydent Lech Kaczyński, z uwagi na kwestie bezpieczeństwa narodowego, w trybie pilnym poprosił ministra spraw zagranicznych Radosława Sikorskiego o spotkanie i podanie dokładnych informacji na temat stanu negocjacji w sprawie tarczy. W takim samym trybie został poproszony do Pałacu Prezydenckiego wiceminister spraw zagranicznych, główny negocjator strony polskiej w sprawie tarczy antyrakietowej Witold Waszczykowski. W piątek po południu Donald Tusk spotkał się z szefem MSZ Radosławem Sikorskim, szefem MON Bogdanem Klichem i Grzegorzem Schetyną z MSWiA. Rozmowy dotyczyły ustalenia wspólnego stanowiska rządu w sprawie tarczy. Radosław Sikorski spotkał się następnie z szefową Kancelarii Prezydenta Anną Fotygą, którą poinformował o przebiegu czwartkowej rozmowy z Dickiem Cheneyem. Późnym popołudniem, już po zakończeniu konferencji premiera, w Kancelarii Prezydenta odbyła się kilkugodzinna narada głowy państwa z jego najbliższymi współpracownikami. Szczegóły ustaleń utrzymano w głębokiej tajemnicy.
Rządowy galimatias Ciągłym pretensjom, oskarżeniom i niedopowiedzeniom w sprawie tarczy nie ma końca. To swoiste przedstawienie może przyprawić o zawrót głowy niejednego znawcę tematu. W związku z chłodnym przebiegiem rozmów premiera Donalda Tuska z ambasadorem Stanów Zjednoczonych w Polsce Victorem Ashe'em można przypuszczać, że podobny ton towarzyszył wieczornej rozmowie telefonicznej szefa rządu z wiceprezydentem USA Dickiem Cheneyem. Szczegóły tej rozmowy nadal pozostają ścisłą tajemnicą. - Sprawa wyszła spoza normalnego trybu i stała się przedmiotem pewnych dyskusji politycznych w kraju - podsumował w rozmowie z "Naszym Dziennikiem" wysokiej rangi rozmówca, który zastrzega sobie anonimowość. Nikt z otoczenia rządowego nie chce zdradzić, czego dotyczyła rozmowa z Cheneyem i jaki miała przebieg. Panuje swoista zmowa milczenia. - Nawet prezydent nie został o jej przebiegu poinformowany - podkreślił prezydencki minister Michał Kamiński.
Fotyga działała zgodnie z wytycznymi prezydenta, a wbrew woli premiera Szef MSWiA Grzegorz Schetyna stwierdził, że "dyskusja z Cheneyem nie przesądziła o decyzji Polski w sprawie instalacji amerykańskiej tarczy". Zapowiedział także, iż opozycja i media nie będą informowane o stanie negocjacji z USA. Dodał jedynie, że rząd jest coraz bliższy podjęcia ostatecznej decyzji. Z kolei czerwcową wizytę szefowej Kancelarii Prezydenta Anny Fotygi w Waszyngtonie wicepremier Schetyna określił jako szkodliwą dla dalszych pertraktacji. Szef MSZ Radosław Sikorski poinformował wczoraj o zakończeniu misji Witolda Waszczykowskiego. Trudno jednoznacznie stwierdzić, czy jest to próba odsunięcia podsekretarza stanu od dalszych negocjacji, ponieważ nie wiadomo, czy opuści on zespół negocjacyjny, czy też w nim pozostanie.
Inauguracyjne posiedzenie Polonijnej Rady Konsultacyjnej przy Marszałku Senatu VII kadencji
Wladyslaw Zachariasiewicz will represent all American Polonia is the prestigious Polonia Council that advises the Speaker of the Polish Senate. In Poland, the Senate has a special role in looking after Polonia throughout the world.
23 czerwca 2008 r. rozpoczęło się dwudniowe inauguracyjne posiedzenie Polonijnej Rady Konsultacyjnej przy Marszałku Senatu VII kadencji. Tematem posiedzenia Rady jest: "Kraj a Polonia i Polacy w świecie - wyzwania XXI w."
Marszałek Bogdan Borusewicz wręczył akty nominacji członkom Polonijnej Rady Konsultacyjnej przy Marszałku Senatu VII Kadencji. Otrzymali je:
Andrzej Alwast - Prezes Rady Naczelnej Polonii Australijskiej i Nowozelandzkiej, Kazimierz Anhalt - Koordynator ds. Rozwoju Federacji Organizacji Polskich w Irlandii, Anżelika Borys - Prezes Związku Polaków na Białorusi, Emilia Chmielowa - Prezes Federacji Organizacji Polskich na Ukrainie, Andre Hamerski - Prezes Centralnej Reprezentacji Wspólnoty Brazylijsko-Polskiej BRASPOL, Józef Kwiatkowski - Prezes Stowarzyszenia Nauczycieli Polskich na Litwie "Macierz Szkolna", Władysław Lizoń - Prezes Kongresu Polonii Kanadyjskiej, Jan Mokrzycki - Prezes Zjednoczenia Polskiego w Wielkiej Brytanii, Tadeusz A. Pilat - Prezydent Europejskiej Unii Wspólnot Polonijnych, Aleksander Sielicki - Zastępca Kierownika Centrum Kultur Kubania w Krasnodarze, Władysław Zachariasiewicz - Stany Zjednoczone Ameryki Północnej. W pracach Rady uczestniczyć będzie również Helena Miziniak - Szef Zespołu Doradców do spraw Migracji Ekonomicznej Obywateli Polskich do Państw Członkowskich Unii Europejskiej (gość honorowy).
Otwierając posiedzenie marszałek Senatu Bogdan Borusewicz stwierdził, że, powołanie Rady jest wyrazem troski o jak najlepszą kondycję spraw polskich i Polaków w świecie. Zwrócił również uwagę na konieczność koordynacji działań wszystkich instytucji państwowych, które zajmują się sprawami Polonii i Polaków zagranicą. Marszałek wyraził życzenie, aby wobec ogromnej różnorodności polonijnych organizacji Rada Konsultacyjna była reprezentacją Polonii całego świata.
Minister Radosław Sikorski powiedział, że sprawy Polonii są jednym z priorytetów MSZ, a rząd traktuje sprawy polonijne niezwykle poważnie. Minister zadeklarował również gotowość współpracy MSZ z Senatem w sprawach polonijnych.
Minister Katarzyna Hall przedstawiła plany resortu edukacji związane z opracowaniem i wdrożeniem programu nauczania języka polskiego, zwłaszcza dzieci, których rodzice czasowo przebywają poza krajem.
W drugiej części posiedzenia podjęto obrady w trzech grupach roboczych:
I. Zespół ds. Polaków na Wschodzie
Zespół którego pracom przewodniczył senator Łukasz Abgarowicz szczególna uwagę poświęcił trzem problemom: Karcie Polaka, przestrzeganiu praw mniejszości polskiej oraz problemom nauczania języka polskiego.
W trakcie obrad uczestnicy przedstawili następujące wnioski:
1. Karta Polaka. Karta Polaka na Ukrainie i Białorusi jest praktycznie niedostępna dla większości uprawnionych ze względu na niewydolny system jej przyznawania. Należy bezwzględnie i w jak w jak najszybszym tempie dokonać zmian organizacyjnych, które skrócą kolejki oczekujących z wielu lat do 2 - 3 miesięcy.
Informacja o Karcie Polaka wśród uprawnionych niezrzeszonych w organizacjach Polaków jest niewystarczająca, szczególnie na Białorusi. Należy wspólnie z organizacjami polskimi na Ukrainie i Białorusi opracować metody szerszego upowszechnienia wiedzy o Karcie.
Ustawowe kryteria przyznawania Karty są zbyt sztywne, co utrudnia lub wręcz uniemożliwia otrzymanie karty wielu uprawnionym. Należy je uelastycznić.
Przed nowelizacją ustawy o Karcie Polaka należy, z inicjatywy Senatu RP, zorganizować konferencję z udziałem przedstawicieli rządu RP, organizacji polonijnych, organizacji pozarządowych oraz naukowców z dziedziny gospodarki, socjologii i demografii dla zdefiniowania oczekiwań i przewidywanych skutków wdrożenia Karty. 2. Przestrzeganie praw mniejszości polskiej. Na Białorusi i Litwie prawa mniejszości polskiej są z premedytacją łamane przez władze centralne tych państw. Należy wzmóc nacisk władz Polskich na rządy Białorusi i Litwy z oczekiwaniem właściwego wywiązywania się tych ostatnich z umów międzynarodowych i bilateralnych dotyczących traktowana mniejszości narodowych. Jak się wydaje, szczególnie na Litwie może to przynieść szybkie pozytywne rezultaty.
Na Ukrainie środowiska polskie nie mogą korzystać z pełni swoich praw ze względu na częstą niechęć władz lokalnych. Wydaje się, że poprawić sytuację może przełamywanie tej niechęci przez nawiązywanie szerszej, pozarządowej współpracy z Ukraińcami z włączaniem w nią organizacji polskich z Ukrainy. Senat RP winien zainicjować szeroką akcję nawiązywania stosunków partnerskich pomiędzy miastami, szkołami, uczelniami itp. polskimi i ukraińskimi. 3. Problem nauczania języka polskiego. Państwo polskie winno zabiegać o tworzenie szkół polskich w miejscach zwartego zamieszkania Polaków w ramach systemów edukacyjnych poszczególnych państw.
Szkoły polskie winny otrzymywać pomoc metodologiczną, kadrową i każdą niezbędną tak, aby być konkurencyjnymi na rynku edukacyjnym.
W środowiskach polskich mieszkających w rozproszeniu niezbędne jest wzmocnienie szkółek sobotnio-niedzielnych, a także stworzenie i wdrożenie systemu nauki języka polskiego przez Internet. Postuluje się też wprowadzenie kursu języka polskiego do programu TV Polonia. 4. Promocja kultury polskiej i ochrona polskiego dziedzictwa kulturowego poza granicami. Obserwuje się zbyt słabą, w stosunku do np. rosyjskojęzycznej, ekspansję kultury polskiej zwłaszcza w formach atrakcyjnych dla młodzieży. Należy sponsorować wyjazdy na koncerty czołowych polskich zespołów, zwiększyć podaż ich płyt na rynkach lokalnych a także wzbogacić program TV Polonia o programy muzyczne i rozrywkowe.
Niewystarczająca jest dbałość o polskie dziedzictwo kulturowe i miejsca pamięci narodowej na Ukrainie i Białorusi. Poza wysiłkami władz państwa polskiego, które należy wzmocnić, wydaje się celowe wsparcie działań pozarządowych zmierzających do porządkowania i utrzymania w należytym stanie cmentarzy polskich. Należy w nie włączyć środowiska polskie na Wschodzie, a także młodzież, która w ramach obozów wakacyjnych, organizowanych np. na Ukrainie, może wykonywać prace porządkowe. II. Zespół ds. Polonii Europejskiej
Podczas obrad Zespołu, któremu przewodniczył senator Andrzej Person zwrócono uwagę na niewystarczające działania władz polskich w odniesieniu do nowej emigracji. W ocenie zespołu istnieje potrzeba monitorowania tego zjawiska także w mniejszych środowiskach, w takich krajach, jak: Norwegia, Włochy, Austria, Holandia, czy Hiszpania.
Obradujący w Zespole przedstawiciele członkowie Rady przedstawili następujące wnioski: Działania władz polskich w zakresie nowej emigracji nie są w pełni wystarczające - podstawową potrzebą jest monitorowanie dynamiki tego zjawiska, tak, by uzyskać jego całościowy obraz. Skalę zjawiska należy dostrzegać również w mniejszych środowiskach. Listę monitorowanych państw należy uzupełnić także o takie kraje jak Norwegia, Niemcy, Włochy, Szwecja, Austria, Holandia, Francja, Hiszpania.
Podstawową potrzebą dla nowej emigracji jest uzyskanie przed wyjazdem informacji, na temat zasad życia obowiązujących w kraju docelowym. Przykładem może być stworzony przez Zjednoczenie Polskie w Wielkiej Brytanii poradnik "Żyć i pracować w Wielkiej Brytanii".
Apelujemy o utrzymanie ilości etatów konsularnych oraz liczby lokali przeznaczonych na konsulaty w krajach, gdzie zwiększyła się liczba Polonii.
Edukacja dzieci i młodzieży polonijnej w systemie edukacyjnym kraju osiedlenia wymaga rozszerzenia o przedmioty ojczyste, tak by możliwa była ciągłość edukacji po powrocie do Polski.
Należy dostosować program edukacji polonijnej uzupełniającej do polskiej podstawy programowej.
Apelujemy o niezamykanie instytutów kultury polskiej na terenie Europy. Jednocześnie zachęcamy władze polskie do korzystanie z doświadczeń organizacji polonijnych w zakresie promocji kultury polskiej za granicą. Uważamy, że model menadżerski promocji polskiej kultury za granicą jest bardzo dobry, należy jednak pozostawić polskie instytuty jako obiekty, które można w tym modelu wykorzystać.
Postulujemy partnerskie traktowanie organizacji polonijnych w rozstrzyganiu ważnych dla Polonii kwestii (ustawy o Karcie Polaka, o Obywatelstwie) oraz rozważenie stworzenia grup roboczych z udziałem działaczy organizacji polonijnych przy konsulatach lub przy Wydziałach Konsularnych Ambasady RP.
Zwracamy uwagę na potrzebę integracji młodzieży polonijnej z młodzieżą polską.
Postulujemy zwiększenie udziału tematyki polonijnej w polskich mediach publicznych.
Konieczne jest ustalenie statusu nauczyciela polonijnego.
Oczekujemy deklaracji rządu polskiego i jasnego stanowiska wobec zakupu lub przyszłego finansowania nieruchomości Fowley Court w Wielkiej Brytanii.
Władze Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej powinny rozpocząć działania w ramach UE i Rady Europy o ujednolicenie standardów w poszczególnych przedmiotach nauczanych w szkołach powszechnych i gimnazjach. Taka standaryzacja w dzisiejszym świecie mobilności siły roboczej jest konieczną by uchronić dzieci i młodzież od tracenia lat edukacji. III. Zespół ds. Polonii i Polaków na pozostałych kontynentach
Zespół ds. Polonii i Polaków na pozostałych kontynentach obradował pod przewodnictwem senatora Sławomira Kowalskiego.
W toku obrad Zespół wypracował następujące wnioski: Zespół ds. Polonii i Polaków na pozostałych kontynentach wnioskuje o utworzenie Polonijnych Zespołów Konsultacyjnych przy Ambasadach RP, które miałyby na celu zintensyfikowanie współpracy z organizacjami polonijnymi za granicą/które byłyby platformą współpracy z organizacjami polonijnymi za granicą.
Zespół ds. Polonii i Polaków na pozostałych kontynentach dostrzega potrzebę podmiotowego rozszerzenia Ustawy o Karcie Polaka o pozostałe kraje świata, co pomogłoby mieszkającej tam społeczności polskiej zachować związki z narodowym dziedzictwem kulturalnym.
Zespół ds. Polonii i Polaków na pozostałych kontynentach wnioskuje o utworzenie nagrody Senatu Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej dla nauczycieli polonijnych, którzy uczą za granicą w systemie tzw. szkół sobotnich.
Zespół ds. Polonii i Polaków na pozostałych kontynentach uważa za potrzebne utworzenie ponadregionalnej Szkoły Liderów Polonijnych, otwartej dla przedstawicieli wszystkich środowisk polonijnych.
Zespół ds. Polonii i Polaków na pozostałych kontynentach apeluje, by władze polskie dołożyły starań w zakresie zapewnienia nauczycielom polonijnym uczącym za granicą możliwości awansu zawodowego.
Zespół ds. Polonii i Polaków na pozostałych kontynentach wnioskuje o utworzenie wspólnego i spójnego planu promocji pozytywnego wizerunku Polski i Polaka w świecie.
Zespół ds. Polonii i Polaków na pozostałych kontynentach uważa, że w interesie polskiejdiaspory i państwa polskiego konieczna jest partnerska współpraca miast i regionów.
Zespół ds. Polonii i Polaków na pozostałych kontynentach jest zdania, że przy okazji Zjazdów Polonii i Polaków z Zagranicy należy ograniczyć liczbę wniosków do dwóch lub trzech, a co więcej powinny one dotyczyć problemów ponadregionalnych/o szerokim zasięgu geograficznym.
W drugim dniu obrad, podsumowując zgłaszane przez Zespoły wnioski, marszałek Bogdan Borusewicz podkreślił, że formuła zespołowej pracy Rady przyniosła duże efekty. Wysoko też ocenił zaangażowanie w prace Rady przedstawicieli ministerstw i organizacji pozarządowych. Marszałek z aprobatą przyjął nakreślone przez Radę kierunki działań, zwłaszcza postulaty dotyczące propagowania nauczania języka polskiego Podczas plenarnego posiedzenia Rady, któremu przewodniczyła wicemarszałek Krystyna Bochenek przyjęto następujące wnioski końcowe:
Sprawą dla nas podstawową jest dalsze utrzymanie zarówno opieki Senatu Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej nad Polonią jak i dotychczasowego modelu finansowania naszej działalności. Rozumiemy, że wolą polskich władz częścią środków dla Polonii dysponuje MSZ i MEN a w praktyce wiele organizacji korzysta z tych funduszy. Pragniemy jednak podkreślić, że jest dla nas ważne aby finansowanie poprzez organizacje pozarządowe pozostało podstawową drogą wspierania naszej działalności.
Pragniemy podkreślić nasze niezachwiane poparcie dla Związku Polaków na Białorusi kierowanego przez Andżelikę Borys. Pragniemy podziękować władzom polskim za udzielone Związkowi dotychczasowe poparcie i prosimy o dalsze konsekwentne stanowisko i działania w tej sprawie.
Rozumiemy trudności związane z egzekwowaniem umów międzynarodowych wobec najbliższych sąsiadów. Znamy też dotychczasowe działania władz polskich. Pragniemy jednak przypomnieć i prosić o jak najrychlejsze i zdecydowane działania w dwóch sprawach szczególnej wagi:
pisowni nazwisk polskich na Litwie, jak również używanie języka polskiego (ojczystego) w miejscach zwartego zamieszkania ludności, która to sprawa pozostaje w jaskrawej sprzeczności z obowiązującymi w Europie standardami. realizacji Traktatu Polsko-Niemieckiego ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem finansowania organizacji polonijnych i edukacji polonijnej. Trudności związane z edukacją w Niemczech podkreślane są na wszystkich konferencjach i sympozjach oświatowych.
Poprzedni rząd rozbudził duże nadzieje rozpoczynając prace nad szerokim programem wspierania edukacji polonijnej. Pragniemy jedynie przypomnieć tę sprawę prosząc o kontynuację działań w tym zakresie.
Młodzież jest przyszłością zarówno Polski, jak i Polonii. Ważne są dalsze działania wszystkich zainteresowanych stron na rzecz zwiększenia integracji młodzieży polskiej i polonijnej. Konieczna jest zmiana polityki wobec młodzieży zarówno Polonii jak i władz polskich. Zadania skierowane do młodzieży i dla młodzieży winny być naszym zdaniem priorytetowo traktowane, przez wszystkie podmioty wspierające działalność polonijną.
Jest nas w świecie miliony. Niejednokrotnie pokazaliśmy, jak wiele możemy dla Polski zrobić. Możemy i chcemy Polsce dalej pomagać. Zawracamy się z kolejnym apelem o partnerskie traktowanie, o korzystanie z naszej wiedzy i możliwości. Skoordynowane działania polskich placówek dyplomatycznych i organizacji polonijnych z pewnością będą korzystne dla Polski.
Wyrażamy nasze poparcie i wdzięczność za uchwalenie przez Sejm Ustawy o Karcie Polaka. Dla naszych Rodaków zza wschodniej granicy Schengen była to sprawa wielkiej wagi. Ważna jest dalsza nowelizacja tej ustawy obejmująca bezpaństwowców, kraje bałkańskie i pozostałe środowiska polonijne na świecie. Równie ważne jest zapewnienie powszechnego dostępu do Kart Polaka w szczególności na Ukrainie i Białorusi. Podstawowa część ustawy potwierdzająca honor przynależności do narodu polskiego winna naszym zdaniem jednakowo traktować wszystkich Polaków poza granicami kraju.
Zbliża się 20-lecie zmiany ustrojowej w Polsce. Uważamy, ze nadszedł najwyższy czas na uchwalenie nowej i nowoczesnej Ustawy o Obywatelstwie. Najwyższy też czas, aby przestały obowiązywać przepisy z "głębokiego" PRL-u. Są tu dwie grupy osób w imieniu których prosimy o właściwe ujęcie w projekcie ustawy: Pierwsza, to osoby, którym władze PRL-u odebrały obywatelstwo w sposób bezprawny. Uważamy, że ze względu na godność osób tak poniżonych i pokrzywdzonych inicjatywa winna należeć do władz polskich. Druga grupa, to osoby, które zmuszone były do zrzeczenia się obywatelstwa ze względu na przepisy państw zamieszkania.
Pragniemy podkreślić wagę konsultowania ustaw z zainteresowanymi, co jest na co dzień praktykowane w demokracjach zachodnich. Prosimy o konsultowanie ustaw i raportów nas dotyczących przynajmniej z ważniejszymi organizacjami polonijnymi.
Wnioskujemy o utworzenie wspólnego i spójnego planu promocji pozytywnego wizerunku Polski i Polaka w świecie.
Polish contribution to the Allied victory in World War 2 (1939-1945)
Poland was the only country to fight in the European theatre of war from the first to the last day of the greatest armed conflict in the history of mankind. The war began with invading Poland: first, on September 1st, 1939, by the Nazi Germany, soon after, on September 17th, by the Soviet Union. Both invaders acted in concert, upon the Ribbentrop - Molotov Treaty (concluded on August 23rd). The allies of Poland - Great Britain and France - declared war upon Germany on September 3rd, but did not undertake any efficient military actions (the so-called "Phony War"). The Soviet Union joined the anti-Nazi alliance only in the summer of 1941, when invaded by Germany. The United States, although they gave a lot of significant material aid, joined the military actions within the frames of the coalition in December 1941 when assaulted by Japan and when Germany declared war upon them. In the Polish contribution to the defeat of Germany in the first place we notice determination and perseverance: despite the severe defeat in 1939, the Poles formed armies five more times, including four outside of their country: in France in 1939, in the United Kingdom in the summer of 1940 (after the defeat and capitulation of France), in the USSR in 1941 (the army of Gen. Anders that fought later in the South of Europe), and then again in the Soviet Union in 1943 there emerged the one that later fought at the Red Army's side. The fifth Polish army, created at the end of September of 1939 was the conspiratorial armed force in the occupied territory. For the entire period of the war there also existed the very important "silent front" - the intelligence. Probably up to 2 millions Poles served since September 1st, 1939 to May 8th, 1945 in all the Polish military formations - regular armies, partisan troops and underground forces. In the final stage of war the Polish troops on all the European fronts amounted to some 600 thousands soldiers (infantry, armored troops, aircraft and navy), and in the summer of 1944 while entering the open fight with the retreating Germans, the armed underground numbered more than 300 thousands sworn soldiers. It can be concluded that Poland put in the field the fourth greatest Allied army. Basic bibliography: Józef Garliński, Poland in the Second World War, 1939-1945, London 1985 ed. Edward Pawłowski, Wojsko Polskie w II Wojnie Światowej, Warszawa 1995. The 1939 Campaign At the outbreak of the war, Polish army was able to put in the field almost one million soldiers, 2800 guns, 500 tanks and 400 aircraft. On the September 1st, the German forces set to war against Poland amounted to more than 1.5 million solders, 9000 guns, 2500 tanks and almost 2000 aircraft. The Red Army began the invasion sending in the first lot more than 620 000 soldiers, 4700 tanks and 3200 aircraft. Despite the overwhelming odds and the necessity of defense against the offensive in all directions, the Polish army fought for 35 days. Warsaw held until September 28th, the Polish garrison of Hel Peninsula for more than a month. The last battle against German troops took place on October 5th. Polish losses in combat against Germans (killed and missing in action) amounted to ca. 70 000. 420 000 were taken prisoners. Losses against the Red Army added up to 6000 to 7000 of casualties and MIA, 250 000 were taken prisoners. Of these, almost all of the officers were murdered in the spring on 1940 in Katyn, Kharkiv and Tver upon Stalin's decision. Although the Polish army - considering the inactivity of the Allies - was in an unfavorable position - it managed to inflict serious losses to the enemies: 14 000 German soldiers were killed or MIA, 674 tanks and 319 armored vehicles destroyed or badly damaged, 230 aircraft shot down; the Red Army lost (killed and MIA) about 2500 soldiers, 150 combat vehicles and 20 aircraft. For many weeks Poland contained significant German forces, no advantage of this was taken by the Allies. Besides that, the necessity to reinforce the destroyed in Poland German military forces gave France and Great Britain more time to prepare to repulse invasion. Basic bibliography: Paweł Wieczorkiewicz, Kampania 1939 roku, Warszawa 2001; Steven J. Zaloga, Poland 1939. The Birth of Blitzkrieg, London 2002; Alexander B. Rossion, Hitler Strikes Poland. Blitzkrieg, Ideology, and Atrocity, Kansas 2003. The underground army home Home Army In the night from September 26th to 27th, 1939, a day before Warsaw's capitulation, General Michał Karaszewicz-Tokarzewski received from the Commander-in-Chief of the Polish army (at the time interned in Romania) an order to create a military conspiracy. Over a few weeks he summoned up a group of officers who avoided captivity and from the scratch they built the most powerful underground army in the occupied Europe. The first name of it was Służba Zwycięstwu Polski (SZP - Polish Victory Service), later Związek Walki Zbrojnej (ZWZ - Union for Armed Struggle), and from February 1942 - Armia Krajowa (AK - Home Army). This resistance is widely known under this last name. The actual creator of the Home Army was Gen. Stefan Rowecki (also known as "Grot") who was the chief of staff first, and from June 1940 to June 1943 - the Commanding Officer. After his seizure by Gestapo, this post was taken by Gen. Tadeusz Komorowski (aka Bór). The Home Army, being a voluntary force, in the same time was both a part of Polskie Siły Zbrojne (PSZ - or PAF - Polish Armed Forces) whose high command was located in exile, and the most important element of the Polish Underground State. The main goal of the AK was preparation and conducting the national uprising in case of advancing frontlines or general collapse of the German armed forces. There were created suitable structures - staff, high commands of arms and services, territorial commands (regions, and on lower level - districts), weapons were collected, officers and soldiers trained, information about enemy gathered. However, because of the atrocious nature of the German occupation, public feelings and attitude, it was necessary to undertake daily struggle. Therefore the AK activities consisted of two strictly connected to each other parts: 1. the daily conspiratorial struggle, 2. the national uprising (during which the Home Army was supposed to recreate the full structure of armed forces). Parallel to the official army there emerged military units of political parties, conspiracies based upon social organizations (e.g. upon the Fire Brigades emerged Skała, or "the Rock") and youth associations (e.g. Szare Szeregi, or "the Grey Ranks", based upon the Związek Harcerstwa Polskiego, or the "Polish Scouting Association"). They emerged thanks to the sabotage groups prepared by the General Staff before the war's outbreak. One of the tasks of the AK Commanding Officer was uniting them into one force. This took quite a lot of time. Eventually, only a part of radical nationalists (NSZ - Narodowe Siły Zbrojne - National Armed Forces) and, emerging up from the summer 1942 - military units of communist party remained out of the AK structures. In the spring of 1944, when the process of unification was ended, the Home Army numbered more than 300 thousand sworn soldiers. Apart from the staff and territorial structures there existed special units dealing among others with subversion and sabotage. In April 1940 the Związek Odwetu emerged (ZO - Retaliation Union), later transformed into the Kierownictwo Dywersji (Kedyw - Subversion Command) which acted on central level and in each region. In September 1941, because of the change in the Polish-Soviet relations the organization "Wachlarz" (or the "Fan") was created. It dealt with intelligence and sabotage closely behind the German-Soviet frontlines. From January 1st 1941 to June 30th, 1944 within the frames of daily struggle the AK and subordinate units ditched among others 732 trains, set fire to 443 transports, destroyed about 4300 vehicles, burnt 130 magazines of weapons and equipments, damaged 19 000 train carriages and 6900 engines, set fire to 1200 gasoline tanks, blew up 40 railway bridges, destroyed 5 oil shafts, froze 3 blast-furnaces, conducted about 25 sabotage acts in war factories, 5700 attempts on officers of different police formations, soldiers and volksdeutschs (Polish citizens of German origin that volunteered to quisle with Germans), set free prisoners of 16 prisons. The partisan troops - active from 1943 - fought more than 170 combats, killing more than 1000 Germans. At the beginning of 1944 there were about 60 active AK partisan troops (some numbered up to a few hundred soldiers) and about 200 sabotage squads. The AK organized a few conspiratorial groups in some of the concentration camp (e.g. in Auschwitz) and among Poles sent to Germany for slave work. The runaway allied prisoners of war were also helped. A contact by radio and couriers with the Polish government in exile and the Commander-in-Chief staff was also maintained. There functioned permanent transfer bases (the most important one in Budapest) and courier routes (e.g. to Sweden). Since February 1942 began to arrive the trained in England Polish sabotage and intelligence officers (the so called "cichociemni" - literally the "silent and dark ones"). In total 316 of them were parachuted in Poland. There also was a subversion propaganda action going on, addressed to German soldiers (the so called Action "N"). The AK conducted some large publishing activities: there were about 250 newspapers edited, including the largest resistance title - "Biuletyn Informacyjny" (Information Bulletin), which was published from November 5th, 1939 up to January, 1945. Besides the "Biuletyn" there were also issued military books of rules, handbooks and manuals for the cadets of the underground military schools (some 8600 soldiers graduated from them). As it can be seen, there were many various activities going on. Their own contribution to fight against the occupation regime paid Żydowska Organizacja Bojowa (ŻOB - Jewish Fighting Organization) and the supported directly by the AK Żydowski Związek Wojskowy (ŻZW - Jewish Military Union) - mainly in the form of the heroic and desperate Warsaw Ghetto Uprising (April 19th - May 16th 1943). To the most spectacular actions of the Home Army belong: paralyzing the railway junction in Warsaw (night from October 7th to 8th , 1942), recapturing the prisoners in Pińsk (January 18th, 1943), bomb assault in a city railway station in Berlin (February 15th, 1943), recapturing the prisoners in downtown Warsaw (the so-called Arsenal action, March 26th, 1943), assassination of Franz Kutschera, the SS and Police Commander for the District of Warsaw (February 1st, 1994). It is estimated that until July, 1944 about 34 thousand soldiers of the Home Army and subordinate units were killed- some in combat but mostly they were executed or tortured to death in prisons - more or less 10% of the ranks. Among the "cichociemni" the losses added up to 1/3 of the ranks. The Underground State It was possible to build up the conspiratorial army to such a great size and manage for it to be so active only because it was closely connected with the Polskie Państwo Podziemne (PPP - the Polish Underground State) and civil resistance. The PPP was a unique phenomenon: in none of the European states there existed such a vast and differentiated structure. Besides the AK the main component of the PPP was Delegatura Rządu na Kraj (Government Delegate's Office at Home) which created a network of underground administration of all levels. The Kierownictwo Walki Cywilnej (Civil Fighting Executive) coordinated the activities of the so-called "little sabotage", undertook propaganda actions and activities aiming at maintaining the morale and spirit of resistance against Germany. A daily set of news was prepared for the Polish radio "Świt" (or the"Dawn") which broadcast from England but pretended to exist in Poland. The Kierownictwo also conducted secret education (including university level), helped the families of the victims of the invader and ran a separate action aiding the Jews ("Żegota"). It had its sections in prisons, by the post offices employees blocked the denunciations sent to German authorities, prepared plans for the after-war period and projects of running the territories that were expected to be captured on Germany (Biuro Ziem Nowych - the New Lands Office). There existed secret courts (civil and military ones), which sentenced the traitors and punished Nazi collaborators with infamy. Another part of the PPP was the existing from 1940 representation of political parties which eventually was named Rada Jedności Narodowej (RJN, the Council for National Unity) and was a substitute of the parliament. The RJN published proclamations and program declarations (e.g. about the goals of war and future political system of the country). Besides the PPP there functioned hundreds of social, political and cultural associations, there were published more than two thousand books and brochures and more than 1.8 thousand different periodicals. Within the resistance but outside of the PPP were situated only extreme organizations: the NSZ on the right side and the communists on the left. Both these formations tried to create their own substitute of quasi-state structures. "Burza" (the "Tempest") The plans of national uprising, which was the main goal of the AK, were changed a few times. The first one emerged when there still existed the Soviet-German alliance, the second one when the Soviet Union joined the anti-Nazi coalition. The last one was elaborated in the autumn of 1943 after breaking off by Moscow the diplomatic relations with Poland and when it turned out for sure that the Polish territory would be first entered by the Red Army. In this plan the uprising received the codename "Burza" (the "Tempest"). It assumed that the very moment when the frontlines would advance close to Poland, all the troops and structures of the AK would be called up to arms under the names of the pre-war Polish Army units (divisions and regiments), and increase sabotage actions. But first of all, they would begin to fight openly the retreating German troops, trying to get in touch at tactical level with the Red Army. In captured cities the underground authorities would come to light (the region and district delegate offices), take over the power and welcome as hosts the entering Soviet troops. Thus the uprising was to be a successive action and not just a one-time appearance in the entire country. "Burza" began on January 15th, 1944 with mobilization in Volhynia (the so-called "Polskie Kresy Wschodnie" - the Polish Eastern Borderlands) where local troops - transform into the 27th Volhynian Infantry Division of the AK - began actions against the Germans. However, when during the fights the AK units had to cross the frontlines, they were disarmed by NKVD (the Peoples Commissariat for Internal Affairs - Soviet secret political police). Despite the negative turnout, the AK High Command decided to continue the "Burza". More and more mobilized units entered the combat, and the greatest concentration of troops fought together with the Red Army in the battle of Vilnius (July 6th and 7th, 1944). A few days later the NKVD troops surrounded the Poles, disarmed them and interned. A part of them were able to manoeuvre out of encirclement. Again, the AK continued the insurgent action and its troops participated in capturing the subsequent cities and town: together with the Red Army in case of the big cities (like Lviv or Vilnius), or often on their own, in case of attacking some smaller German garrisons. For instance, in the region of Lublin, the AK units captured 7 cities on their own and 11 more together with the Soviets. The "Burza" covered a large territory from the Carpathians to Vilnius and the Lower Bug River, some 120 thousand soldiers fighting. On July 30th, 1944, Stalin ordered to disarm the AK, and the representatives of the Underground State that came out of the hiding and took over the offices were arrested. At least 20 to 30 thousand people were deported to penal colonies in the interior of the Soviet Union, most of them have never returned. The Warsaw Uprising Because of the experiences from the East and fears that fights in Warsaw would cause the destruction of the city and losses among the civil population, the opinions whether the "Burza" should take place varied. Eventually, it was decided that the battle of Warsaw would have not only the military significance but also political one. The emotional tension among the citizens and a hearty will to fight expressed by the AK soldiers were also taken into consideration. Finally the decision about starting the uprising in Warsaw was made (with participation of the Government Delegate Home and the head of RJN) on July 31st, when the advancing Red Army units were coming close to the lying on the eastern bank of the Vistula River city district of Praga. Some 23 000 of the AK soldiers started the uprising in the afternoon of August 1st, 1944, under the Warsaw Region Commanding Officer, colonel Antoni Chruściel (aka "Monter"). Although during the first few days of combat the insurgents captured a lot of strategic objects, and as the days went by the ranks were increasing (together there fought some 34 thousands of soldiers), the Home Army was unable to fully drive the Germans out of the downtown, nor to seize the main communication routes and bridges. The 16-thousand-strong German garrison was significantly reinforced (including the troops specializing in fighting partisans) and on August 5th, 1944, the Germans began to counter-strike, using tanks, heavy artillery and assault aircraft. In the first of recaptured districts (Wola), the German troops committed a mass slaughter of civilians. This was to happen again later a few times. The attacking German columns split Warsaw into the "insurgent islands", the contact between which was managed by secret passages through cellars and sewers. In these areas the authority was taken over by Polish administration, newspapers were published, a radio station broadcast ("Błyskawica", or the "Lightning"), municipal services worked. It was expected that the battle would last a few more days, until the Red Army entered the city. Despite many pleas, including the ones from the Polish prime-minister who was paying a visit in Moscow since July 31st, sometime before August 8th, Stalin ordered to delay offensive actions nearby Warsaw. He did not even agree for the allied transport airplanes to land on Soviet airfields which practically precluded helping the uprising by airdropping the supplies, because the nearest airfields were located in England and Italy. Not till the middle of September, when the uprising was already on the verge of disaster, a mass air-drop was possible but the insurgents took over only some 47 tons of it. The battle dragged on, the death toll among the civilians increased, there lacked food, water and medicines. Capturing Praga by the Red Army and unsuccessful attempts of the Polish troops commanded by General Berling to establish a bridge-head in the left-bank Warsaw did not change the situation. On October 2nd, 1944, the insurgents capitulated. Some 150 000 civilians were killed, most of the city was utterly ruined (later on special German squads kept destroying the remaining buildings), 520 000 citizens expelled of the city. 17 000 insurgents were taken prisoners. The Warsaw Uprising was the greatest battle fought by the Polish army in WW2: 10 000 soldiers were killed, 7 000 more were missing in action. Major losses were inflicted to Germans - 10 000 killed, 6 000 MIA, 300 tanks, guns and armored vehicles lost. The uprising did not reach its military nor political objectives, yet for the generations of Poles to come it became a symbol of courage and determination in the struggle for independence. Basic bibliography: Norman Davies, Rising '44. "The Battle for Warsaw", London 2004; Stefan Korboński, The Polish Underground State: A Guide to the Underground 1939-1945, Boulder 1979; Marek Ney-Krwawicz, The Polish Home Army, 1939-1945, London 2001. Polish Armed Forces in the West The campaign in Poland had not finished yet when Polish troops abroad started to form. The government of Poland in exile that emerged in Paris adopted as its main goal the fight at the side of the Allies and creating a Polish army in France. This was the beginning of the Polskie Siły Zbrojne (PSZ - Polish Armed Forces) in the West which fought until May 1945 in three war theatres: Western Europe (1940 and 1944-1945), North Europe (1940) and Mediterranean (North Africa in 1940-1942, Italy 1944-1945). The first Commander-in-Chief was General Władysław Sikorski, who also was the Prime Minister of the government in exile. After his death (July 1943), his post was assigned to General Kazimierz Sosnkowski, dismissed in September 1944. After him General Tadeusz Komorowski, the AK Commanding Officer was appointed who after the Warsaw Uprising defeat became a German prisoner of war. Campaign in France Polish troops emerged of a stream of soldiers and officers that reached France through Romania, Hungary, Lithuania and Latvia. 43 000 evacuated, the rest of them ran away on their own. Also the Polish immigrants living in France applied to the army. In a few months the Polish Army reached the number of 84 000 soldiers in four infantry divisions and two brigades. There were also formed four air squadrons and units of anti-aircraft artillery that amounted to about 7 000 people. Besides, a part of withdrawing troops found their way to Syria (administrated by the French) where Samodzielna Brygada Strzelców Karpackich emerged (Independent Carpathian Riflemen Brigade). During the German Blitzkrieg in France in May 1940 the Allied defense broke already after two weeks which was the reason for a hasty withdrawal of the British troops and capitulation of France. Polish units fought in the southern section of the front: the Polish Grenadier Division after one week of fighting was dissolved because of the French-German armistice talks; the soldiers of the Brygada Kawalerii Pancerno-Motorowej (Armoured Cavalry Brigade) after the battles of Champaubert and Montbard upon the order of their commander, General Maczek, destroyed their equipment and withdrew south; 2 Dywizja Strzelców (2nd Riflemen Division) stopped the German attack on the Clos-du-Doubs hills but when on June 19th it turned out that the fight is almost over, it crossed the Swiss border and was interned there. The Samodzielna Brygada Strzelców Podhalańskich (Indipendent Podhalan Riflemen Brigade) was included in Allied forces sent to Norway in May 1940 and participated in the battle of Narvik. Altogether, about 50 000 Polish soldiers fought defending France, 1400 were killed, more than 4500 were wounded. Polish fighter pilots achieved 50 confirmed and 5 probable kills of enemy aircraft. The defeat of France meant the defeat of the Polish troops fighting at the side of the French. Only about 20 000 men were able to withdraw to England. The great organizational effort made since the autumn 1939 was wasted. Battle of Britain and the Polish Air Force The Polish pilots stood out during the campaign of 1939 and highlighted during the campaign in France. But the most distinguished role they played in 1940 when the decisive for the fate of the England and the coalition Battle of Britain took place (August 8th - October 31st, 1940). The British industry produced enough aircraft but it was not possible to train enough pilots in such a short time. Therefore the role of foreign airmen, of whom the greatest group formed the 151 Polish pilots, cannot be overemphasized. They fought both in the British and Polish squadrons (302nd and 303rd fighter and 300th and 301st bomber squadrons). During the Battle of Britain the Poles shot down 203 Luftwaffe aircraft which stood for 12% of total German losses in this battle. The success of the Polish pilots inclined the British command to expand the Polish Air Force: until summer 1941 8 fighter and 4 bomber squadrons emerged. Later on new ones were created, including the Polish Fighting Team (commonly called the "Skalski's circus", named derived from its commander's surname) that fought in North Africa. Polish pilots protected England, e.g. by destroying 193 German V1 and V2 missiles, and participated in many operations over the continent, escorting the bombers, bombing different targets (e.g. Ruhr, Hamburg, Brema), provided air support to the landing troops during the invasion in June 1944. In 1944 the Polish air unit operating from Italy airdropped in Poland men and equipment for the AK, and during the Warsaw Uprising the Polish crews flew 91 times with the supplies for the fighting insurgents. From 1940 to 1945 the Polish squadrons and the Polish pilots serving in British units achieved 621 confirmed kills, and together with campaigns of 1939 and France- 900 confirmed and 189 probable. Basic bibliography: Lenne Olson, Stanley Cloud, A Question of Honour. The Kosciuszko squadron: forgotten heroes of World War II, New York, 2003; Adam Zamoyski, The Forgotten Few: The Polish Air Force in the Second World War, New York 1996. The Battle of Atlantic and the Polish navy Just before war's outbreak three Polish destroyers (Błyskawica, Burza and Grom) left for Great Britain. Later on they were joined by the submarines Orzeł and Wilk that managed to escape the Germans. The Polish Navy since 1940 was constantly expanded by the ships leased from the Royal Navy and in 1945 it amounted to 4 thousand seamen on 15 ships (1 cruiser, 6 destroyers, 3 submarines and 5 torpedo boats). During the war there served 26 ships (2 cruisers, 9 destroyers, 5 submarines and 11 torpedo boats). At the side of the British and American fleets, the Polish vessels participated in tens of operations: e.g. in May 1940 in Narvik, during the evacuation from Dunkirk, in 1944 during the landing in Normandy (operation "Overlord"), escorting convoys to Murmansk and Malta but most of all in the Battle of the Atlantic which took place from 1940 to 1944, including the famous "hunt for Bismarck", the greatest Kriegsmarine battleship (May 1941). Totally, they participated in 665 battles and escorted 787 convoys, sunk 12 enemy ships (including 5 submarines) and 41 merchant vessels, damaged 24 more (including 8 submarines). Besides that the Allied sea transport was reinforced with 36 Polish merchant vessels which 1939 were abroad, total displacement of 117 thousand tons. Basic bibliography: Michael A. Peszke, Poland's Navy 1918-1945, New York 1999; Jerzy Pertek, Mała flota wielka duchem, Poznań 1989. Land battles 1941-1945 After the defeat of France, the Carpathian Riflemen Brigade left Syria and joined the British forces in Egypt. It was an excellent unit of 5 000 men, mainly experienced soldiers, the 1939 veterans and volunteers. In August 1941 it moved to Libya where it won fame in the heavy fights during the defense of the besieged Tobruk, and in the spring of 1942 in the Libyan Desert. About 20 00 men managed to withdraw from France to Great Britain. They formed 1st Polish Corps that was supposed to defend the eastern coast of Scotland, and 1st Independent Parachute Brigade that was supposed to be airdropped in Poland once the national uprising began. In 1941 1st Armored Division was created within the frames of the 1st Corps. However, this army could not develop because the Polish immigration on the British Islands was not very numerous. No Poles were arriving from the conquered by Germany and Italy Europe, and the voluntary recruitment in the United States, Canada and Latin America brought only a few thousand men. Situation changed when after the 3rd Reich's assault on the Soviet Union. The Polish government signed a treaty with the Soviets guaranteeing (among others) releasing the Polish citizens from prisons and camps and creating Polish Army. It was formed under the command of General Władysław Anders. In the spring of 1942 it amounted to more than 70 000 men but it suffered from the lack of officers. The pre-war Polish officers were looked for in vain because it was not known that they were executed two years earlier by NKVD. The Soviet authorities caused more and more trouble in expanding the army, for example by drastically limiting food rations to 40 000 portions a day. In the same time the situation of the Allies in the Middle East was very difficult, the United States had just begun mobilization, and the Great Britain ran out of reserves. In such conditions it was agreed to evacuate the Polish units to Persia, yet with the army some civilians left as well (mainly children and families of soldiers) - altogether some 114 tousand people. From the forces moved to the Middle East (first to Persia, then to Iraq and Palestine) the 2nd Polish Corps emerged. In December 1943 and January 1944 it was transported to the Italian front. About 50 000 soldiers fought for almost year and a half, distinguishing themselves with glory, especially during the bloody struggle to break the Gustav Line. The key position there was the hill and monastery of Monte Cassino, captured by the Poles on May 18th, 1944. In July the Corps captured the city and port of Ancona, and in August participated in breaking the Gothic Line at the Adriatic Sea. In 1945 it took part in the spring offensive in the North of Italy, in battles of Faenza and Bolonia, which was first entered by the Polish soldiers. During the campaign in Italy some 2600 of them were killed. The Polish forces stationed on the British Islands, reinforced by the soldiers who came from the Soviet Union, prepared to participate in the invasion of the continent. In June 1944, in the operation "Overlord" in Normandy, the Polish Air Force and the navy took part. Then the 1st Armored Division (under the command of Gen. Maczek), total of 16 000 men, 380 tanks and 470 guns was moved to France. It formed a part of the Canadian Corps and won fame in the battles of Falaise and Chambois (August 18th to 22nd, 1944) where it closed the "cauldron", cutting off the retreating German divisions. Later on it liberated the cities of Abeville, St. Omar and Cassel in France, Ypres and Gent in Belgium and Breda (October 28th to 30th, 1944) in the Netherlands, finally capturing the German seaport of Wilhelmshaven. Its combat route amounted to 1800 km, the division destroyed 260 enemy tanks and self-propelled guns, loosing 4600 soldiers, including more than a 1000 of casualties. In September 1944 the 1st Parachute Brigade was airdropped near Arnhem in the Netherlands as a part of the unfortunate "Market-Garden", suffering great losses. When the war in Europe was coming to an end, the Polish troops fighting at the side of the Western Allies numbered more than 210 thousand soldiers, 1335 tanks, about 4000 of armored vehicles, 2050 guns and mortars, 32 thousand different mechanical vessels. Basic bibliography: Witold Biegański, Polskie Siły Zbrojne na Zachodzie, 1939-1945, Warszawa 1990; Margaret Brodniewicz-Stawicki, For your freedom and ours: the Polish Armed Forces in the Second World War, St. Catharines, Ont, 1999. Polish Army on the Eastern Front After bringing into light the Katyn massacre and breaking off the diplomatic relations with Poland (April 1943), Stalin decided to organize Polish armed forces fighting at side of the Red Army. These troops emerged without the approval of the legal authorities of Poland, most of the commanding personnel were Soviet officers, the political officers recruited from the Polish communists but ordinary soldiers were Poles deported in the years 1939-1941 to the interior of the Soviet Union, and from the spring 1944, also the inhabitants of the Polish Kresy Wschodnie (Eastern Borderlands). Though its origin was not legal, and it played a significant role in imposing the communist system in Poland later on, the Polish Army fighting on the Eastern Front contributed a lot to the Polish military effort. From a single division (1st Tadeusz Kościuszko Infantry Division, commanded by colonel Zygmunt Berling) eleven-thousand-people strong, which began to form in May 1943, it expanded to one-hundred-thousand-people-strong army in July 1994, and at the end of the war it amounted to more than 330 thousand soldiers formed in two armies with all land forces arms (infantry, artillery, engineers, tanks and different supporting troops). This army's baptism of fire took place at the battle of Lenino (Belarus) in October 1943. In July and August 1944 the Polish troops fought at the bridgeheads on the Western Bank of the Vistula River, and in the battle of Studzianki the Polish armored brigade fought its first battle against the Germans. In September 1944 the Polish Army attempted at helping the insurgents in Warsaw - unsuccessfully and with great losses. From January 1945 it participated in the great Soviet offensive: in February and March it fought a dramatic battle to break the Wał Pomorski (Pomeranian Position - the highly fortified German defense line) and capturing Kołobrzeg (Kolberg), a Baltic seaport transformed into a fortress; the Polish troops fought at Gdańsk and Gdynia, and also by Zalew Szczeciński (Bay of Szczecin). The crowning of the combat route was participation in capturing Berlin. In the entire operation took part 180 000 soldiers from the 1st and 2nd Polish Army, and in the assault in the downtown of Berlin an important role played the 1st Tadeusz Kościuszko Division. It was the only military unit besides the Red Army that stuck its national flag over the ruins of the German capital. Polish troops reached the Elba River and got in touch with American units. In April 1945, the 2nd Army forced the Nysa River, then fought in the region of Dresden and Bautzen, suffering great losses. Its combat route it ended in May in Czechoslovakia. In battles against the Germans on the Eastern Front participated also some Polish air units (however, they consisted mainly of Soviet pilots). From the battle of Lenino till the combat over Elba and in Saxony 17 500 soldiers were killed, almost 10 000 were considered to be MIA. The most casualties cost the fighting in Pomorze (Pomerania - 5400 killed and 2800 MIA) and in the Berlin operation (7200 killed and 3800 MIA). Because of the combined nature of the Soviet and Polish actions it is difficult to estimate how much damage the Poles inflicted to the enemy. Some partial data is available only for a few battles: at Lenino 1800 Germans were killed, wounded or taken prisoner, in the tank battle at Studzianki the Germans lost 20 tanks and self-propelled guns and 1500 soldiers, at Wał Pomorski 2300 killed. In Berlin the soldiers of the Kościuszko Division captured four subway stations and took prisoner 2500 German soldiers. The Polish Army fighting in the East was the greatest regular military force fighting at the side of the Red Army. Its almost two years long combat route added up to 1000 kilometers. It participated in different and important activities: forcing rivers, capturing cities, attacking fortifications, pursuing enemy troops. Its share in victory was paid dearly. Basic bibliography: Czesław Grzelak, Henryk Stańczyk, Stefan Zwoliński, Armia Berlinga i Żymierskiego. Wojsko polskie na froncie wschodnim 1943-1945, Warszawa 2002. The „Enigma" and Intelligence On July 25th 1939, before the war began, the Polish intelligence (Section 2 of the General Staff) provided Great Britain and France with one copy each (with necessary documents) of the German coding machine "Enigma" that allowed to read the secret German messages. A team of Polish cryptologists was evacuated to France, later on to England, where a special center for monitoring and decoding was organized in Bletchley Park. The Polish "Enigma" played a significant role, especially during the Battle of Britain, Battle of the Atlantic and the invasion of the continent in 1944. Other evacuated to England Polish scientists and technicians have to be mentioned as well. The electronics specialists helped with creating the submarine detection system (HFDF - High Frequency Direction Finding). The Polish engineers constructed the reversible tank periscope and an anti-aircraft cannon, with tens of thousands of which the British troops were equipped. The Intelligence Due to the impossibility of forming regular troops in the occupied Poland, a very important role in the Polish contribution to the anti-Nazi alliance played the intelligence which had a lot of experience in the territory of Germany from before war. During the conflict the Polish intelligence based on two centers: Section 2 of the Commander-in-Chief Staff, operating mainly in Western Europe and North Africa, and Section 2 of the AK Commanding Officer that worked mainly home and in Germany. Section 2 in London was the coordinator of all and had close contacts with correspondent British services, including Special Operations Executive (SOE) that dealt with intelligence and sabotage in occupied Europe. In August 1941 there was an agreement signed with the intelligence of the United States (OCI, later OSS). For some time in 1942 the AK intelligence had direct radio connection with the Red Army. Before that and later on, a lot of information from the Polish intelligence reached Moscow with the help of the British. The relations with the Allies were very important, because the Polish army could not use all the information gathered because of the limited own potential. The intelligence commanded directly from London created - starting in September 1940 - a lot of posts, a network of which covered practically entire Western and Southern Europe and North Africa. The greatest and the most important was the network in France (Agency "F", later "F2"), that amounted to more than 2500 agents and only in the years 1940-1942 provided the center in London with more than 5200 reports. In 1944 the working in Paris network "Interallie" focused on the issues related to the invasion. There also existed the networks in Denmark, Belgium, the Netherlands, Sweden, Switzerland, Spain, Portugal, Greece, Palestine, Italy, in the Balkans and the Baltic states. Information sent by the network of the Agency "AFR" played an important role in planning the allied attack on the North Africa (Operation "Torch", December 1942). In France the intelligence network was closely related to a wider Polish conspiracy activity that had also subversion and propaganda tasks (Polska Organizacja Walki o Niepodległość - Polish Organization of Fight for Independence, aka "Monika"). The first intelligence structures in the occupied Polish territories emerged in the autumn of 1939, parallel in the framework of the ZWZ staff and upon individual initiatives. Of the latter ones the most important one is the organization "Muszkieterzy" (the Musketeers). The proper development of the intelligence activity began after the fall of France when it was realized that the war was going to last longer than expected. Section 2 was an extended structure with all the departments and services existing in military intelligence, both in the center in Warsaw, and in the AK regions and districts. It is estimated that within their framework some 15 000 people worked, and an important role was played by the employees of the post offices and railways. One of the most important elements were the posts working in Germany (general codename "Stragan" or the "Stall"), located (among other places) in Berlin, Hamburg, Cologne, Wienna, Konigsberg, Wroclaw (Breslau), and Szczecin (Stettin). The offensive intelligence of the "Stragan" (codename "Lombard", or the "Pawnshop") undertook also the sabotage actions, like bomb attempts. After the outbreak of the Soviet-German war, the intelligence in the East expanded (codename "Pralnia" or "Laundry") by organizing posts in Smolensk, Kharkiv, Riga and Daugavpils. In the spring of 1941 the Polish intelligence sent to Moscow via London some comprehensive reports on the German invasion plans. The most spectacular achievement of the AK intelligence was a thorough study of the research center and factory in Pennemunde, where V1 and V2 missiles were produced. The first information was obtained in the autumn 1942 and in March 1943 a detailed report was sent to London. This allowed the British to conduct a massive bomb attack (night from August 17th to 18th, 1943) which for many months stopped the Wunderwaffe (Wonderful Weapon) construction plans. In 1944 the AK intelligence captured a missile that had not exploded during the drill and sent its parts to London. Quite a role played the data on localization of gasoline factories (operation "Synteza", or the "Syntesis") and the military facilities in Germany and Poland. The information on concentration and death camps was also sent. The materials sent by the Poles were very much appreciated by the partners. In the Intelligence Service evaluations it can be read that "the Polish intelligence provided a lot of very valuable information" (first half-year 1942), the estimations delivered by the AK "belong to the most precious ones that we get" (June 1944). In total, from the second half of 1940 to the end of 1943 (the data for the later period is missing) from the network of the Polish intelligence more than 26 000 reports and a few thousand decoded German messages were delivered to the Allies. Basic bibliography: Władysław Kozaczuk, Jerzy Straszak, Enigma: how the Poles broke the Nazi code, New York 2004; Piotr Matusak, Wywiad Związku Walki Zbrojnej - Armii Krajowej 1939-1945, Warszawa 2002; Andrzej Pepłoński, Wywiad Polskich Sił Zbrojnych na Zachodzie, 1939-1945, Warszawa 1995. A thought for the anniversary Polish soldiers were not invited to participate in the victory defilades which took place in 1945 in London and Moscow. This meant that the Great Powers treated Poland more like an object of mutual relations than like a partner. However, the Western Allies many times emphasized the heroism and determination of the Polish soldiers and the fact that Poland was a very valuable ally, therefore belonging to the winners of the war. Many Poles thought, and still think, that it was a "bitter victory" because the Polish state that emerged after the war was harmed by subordinating it to the Soviet Union. Despite this no one seems to doubt that it was necessary to fight and the homage to those who fought, is paid by everyone.
